Transitions lower the risk of war

While these dangers always lurk in any democratisation process, they may be offset by a number of mitigating forces, which are generated by democratisation. The rulers of a newly democratising state are likely to focus on internal consolidation and economic reconstruction (especially if it has been under long and ruinous authoritarian rule) to fulfil promises made during the struggle for democracy. Hence war would be regarded as wasteful. Democratisation creates more domestic transparency in ways beneficial to regional understanding and trust. Transition to democratic rule brings in its wake availability of greater information about a state’s national security and financial policies and assets. This could reduce suspicions among neighbours and expand regional security and economic cooperation. Rule of law in the domestic context often leads to rule-based interactions in the regional arena. This can be more conducive to regional collective problemsolving. Democratisation creates a deeper basis for regional socialisation by according space to the civil society and accommodating its concerns. The ruling elite in democratising states is likely to co-opt the civil society and accept its transnational links, and thereby increase their chances for more effective responses to transnational issues. The ruling elite in democratising states is likely to give a higher priority to maintaining and enhancing its international legitimacy than to regain territory from neighbours or to seek unilateral gain. Opposition leaders during the struggle for democratic change accept and use international liberal norms, such as pacific settlement of disputes, and interdependence. This may offset the impact of nationalism produced by democratisation. Furthermore, the nationalism that accompanies democratisation may turn out to be a positive nationalism, or ‘democratic pride’ (i.e. pride in having achieved an open polity; being able to say we are a ‘democratic nation’, win respect from the international community, avoid the derogatory labels of authoritarian regime or ‘dictator’), than a negative nationalism. Democratising states are more likely to subject themselves to international mediation and arbitration. And democratising states are as much if not more likely to adopt cooperative security and regional integration strategies towards their neighbours. The last factor, called the ‘cooperative security’ effect of democratisation, has been a significant trend in three recent cases of democratic transitions in East Asia.