L - politics - the American political system is rooted in anti-blackness and the rhetoric of politics and “progress” – the affirmatives description of inclusion within the political is only another attempt at false reform which is violently parasitic off of the black body and only leads to a cyclical repetition of more of the same.
Terrefe 17, Selamawit Terrefe, Dr. Selamawit D. Terrefe is an Assistant Professor at Tulane University in English specializing in Global Black Studies, Gender and Sexuality, Psychoanalysis, Continental Philosophy, Critical Theory, and Radical and Revolutionary Politics. 2017, “Dissociative States: The Metaphysics of Blackness and the Psychic Afterlife of Slavery” https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8h75877m ila1
Figuring Blackness through Black love as the antithesis of politics is a precondition for Black love and Black politics’ disavowal Moreover, to understand intramural politics is to understand not only the truth of intramural violence, but also how politics and violence are constituted in and through Blackness (as its construction), and anti-Blackness (as its erasure). Black transgression, then, becomes contained within a closed symbolic system of subjectivity—a subjectivity that cannot create a self—and the Black intramural is overdetermined as maladjusted from the moment of Blackness’ creation. Differently put, the relationship between Black being (within the racial imaginary) and violence becomes causal, rather than Blackness being recognized as an effect of violence. Hence, Blackness pathologized as violence tyrannizes how the psyche processes the truth of Black love. Black subjectivity and “borrowed institutionality” in lieu of a self are pathologized as criminal—the locus of the problem rather than its effect. An essential construction buttresses an entire episteme upon which categories of being, thought, and the Human hinge—Blackness. To account for the political (in)capacity of Black people subtended in white violence would be to cede to the recognition that whiteness—(white) life and humanity writ large—and every discursive formation established in slavery’s wake would have to be dismantled. In other words, to avow, acknowledge and define Black love, which is inseparable from Black violence in its formation, would force whiteness to lose itself, and possibly disappear, into its own violence. Hence, white jouissance undergirds every facet of our conceptions of violence—white disavowal appears even within the most intimate and most revolutionary spheres of Black psychic and social life. Black love, Black demand, and Black relationality can never be read outside of the signifying chain of non-being, violence, that produces Blackness as the disavowed imago par excellence of the unconscious—dangerous, controllable only through recourses of denial and repression. Black demand, which is foundational to Black desire, is a longing for an affective relation to an other Black recognized as other, that could be recognized as a relation. Black demand threatens the foundation of the political, if not the world. A constant marker of the precondition of the political is Black demand, hence Black insurgency through Black love, Black collectivity, and Black revolutionary praxis counterfeits white agency and desire. This simulation appears as the performance of white violence in and through intramural violence, casting white jouissance in the spotlight, if even for a moment. The performance of political desire, whether through the practice of necklacing or, as Ideal states, “[w]e...seek...cruelty...painful conflicts as expressions of love and power,”106 counterfeits death denied to Blackness through “white jouissance” as “the path towards death.” For Blackness is a construct for whiteness to evade its own fear of death. If deathliness can be symbolized through Blackness, only whiteness can reap its benefits—transcendence, memory, progress—while Blackness remains a barred object: that is, unless Black poiesis paves the way for what has yet to be. Differently put, just as Ideal and Jimson are allegories mirroring the conceptual categories underwriting their invention, the performance of Black political desire mirrors the psychic condition undergirding anti-Black violence: white jouissance. Whiteness has capacity to parse out death and love in their affective parameters—the power to declare love recognized as love and not violence. The practice of policing how one loves is concomitant with policing how one punishes, subsequently all facets of Black social life in social death are elaborated within an ethical and psycho-political historical schema foundational to non-Black desire. In so doing, all Black intramural relations are mediated by a past which cannot be disclosed as past, but as a present denied to Blackness. This foreclosure feels like a withholding of love, at best, and a betrayal ventriloquized as a desire for whiteness at worst.
The mediated experience of Black relation through white violence is a non-relation, hence Black demand is perhaps best defined as a drive to inhabit the politics of desire. Here lies the danger of Black revolutionary poiesis and the performance of the political as it is simultaneously the safety of Black violence.