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Laurie Penny 22 is an author, journalist, and screenwriter from London. They are a culture writer for Wired and have written for the Guardian, New Stateman, New York Times, Longreads, Time, and many more. They are a graduate of the Nieman Foundation Fellows’ programme at Harvard University and the Clarion West Writer’s Workshop. (Sexual Revolution: Modern Fascism and the Feminist Fightback pg 16-18 | DOA: 7/8/2023 | SAoki)

This sexual revolution confronts abuse of power at every level. And this book deal explicitly with abuse, exploitation and trauma, not just as individual problems but as political phenomena. This logic of abuse is central to the way in which power operates – from world governments, institutions and industries, to individual families. This book argues that many traditional models of social organisation, from the nuclear family to parliamentary politics, do not simply enable abuse – they require abuse. They require that exploitation, bullying, male supremacy and white supremacy be normal and normalised. Our culture is shaped and reshaped by abuse, and by the scars it leaves on the individual and collective psyche. But abuse has rarely been deemed worthy of political attention. Instead, where it is spoken of at all, it is usually something that has to be borne in private, healed in isolation - and that's useful, because it places all the responsibility for change on the individual who suffers, and not on the systems that cause suffering. Just in case anyone fails to get the message, those who do speak out about abuse can expect punishment and public humiliation, especially if they are women. But speaking about abuse, exploitation and trauma are crucial if we want to understand how oppression operates. People who learn from a young age that adults are allowed to hurt children, that men are allowed to hurt women, that police officers are allowed to hurt people from marginalised communities, that the strong are allowed to prey upon the weak and the weak cannot rely on help arriving, will reshape their imaginations around that narrative. They will be more, not less, likely to accept bullying and exploitation as a normal part of their working lives. And this logic of exploitation has been upheld, time and time again, in recent years of political upheaval. Even as women and children have begun to speak out in ever-more confident chorus about their experience of abuse, known abusers have been elevated to the highest positions of public office and political responsibility. Watching violent bullies be rewarded hurts in a way that is hard to look away from if you have been a victim of abuse yourself, as a very great many of us have, even if we don't like to think of ourselves that way. Victims, in fact, routinely seem to burden themselves with the shame that should properly belong to those who victimise others. In fact, the amount of shame still attached to being a person who has experienced violence or persecution today has everything to do with the desire to silence victims and normalise abuse. Again, on every level, from the institutional to the individual, the attempt to come to terms with the injustice and scale of abuse has created chaos. People and communities have torn themselves apart trying to square their desire for justice with their desire not to think about wrongdoing. Victims and survivors have struggled to hold the centre of themselves in the storm of cognitive dissonance that buffets anyone who knows that something terrible and unfair has happened to them, but who still thinks on some level that it was their fault, that they're wrong to complain, that they don't deserve to be believed, that they cannot allow themselves to believe the evidence of their own experience. Revolution does not begin in the streets. Revolution begins in the head, and in the heart. Sexual revolution happens whenever a person decides, in the face of years of carefully nurtured self-loathing, in a culture that tells her every day that her body does not belong to her, that her sexuality is a commodity for men's consumption, that her pleasure does not matter, that her ambition makes her unlikeable and her desires make her disgusting and her exhaustion make her weak - sexual revolution happens when a person who has learned all these things decides to like herself anyway and to treat herself as if she were a person worthy of respect, as if she were a person who does not owe her body or her energy or the work of her life as the rent for existing in a man's world. When a woman behaves as if her life matters and her happiness counts, a tiny revolution takes place. And when many millions of them do, all at once, the world changes for ever. As Shulamith Firestone wrote in The Dialectic of Sex: Just as to ensure elimination of economic classes requires the revolt of the underclass (the proletariat) and, in a temporary dictatorship, their seizure of the means of production, so to assure the elimination of sexual classes requires the revolt of the underclass (women) and the seizure of control of reproduction: not only the full restoration to women of ownership of their own bodies, but also their (temporary) seizure of control of human fertility.

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