The patriarchy that dominated the economy stemmed from the layout of the nuclear family in which men treated their wives like their employees. The intrinsic and structural inequities seen in modern day economy between men and women are not just evident in the failure for the USFG to pass policy recognizing women as equal to their coworkers but rather can be indemnified throughout many different aspects of women’s lives. The only way to restructure the systems that capitalize and exploit the bodies and work of women is to disengage from the system all together.

A third theoretical entry point is opened up by several recent theoretical analyses of the differential production of bodies. From a historical materialist perspective, the key point here is that insofar as “part of what the creative history of capitalism has been about is discovering new ways (and potentialities) in which the human body can be put to use as the bearer of the capacity to labour”, bodies nonetheless bear markers of difference that differentiate the value of their labour. As David Harvey explains, the differentiation of bodies takes place as they are “marked by different physical productive capacities and qualities according to history, geography, culture, and tradition”, reducing the markers of race, ethnicity, age and gender to perceptions of what particular kind of labour people are able to do. To view this through a feminist lens, however, again draws attention to the specific ways in which the socially and historically constructed valuation of one's reproductive capacities also produces difference along these lines. This is precisely the point made by feminist geographers, who have convincingly argued that the globalising tendencies of capitalism have not led to a simple convergence of experiences but rather to the creation of various continuities and disjunctures, including in the production of gender subjectivities and bodies. Finance plays an important role here, as documented by Katherine Rankin's comparison of the differential production of the “financial subjectivities” of racialised subprime borrowers in the US and feminised microfinance borrowers in the Global South. She shows that while both the subprime and the microcredit markets aim to serve ostensibly poor and underserved borrowers, the former constructs the borrower as “poor, implicitly racialised and incapable of self-care”. In contrast, the “operative subjectivity” of the latter is that of “rational economic woman” who invests wisely, manages debt responsibly and is ultimately capable of ensuring the reproduction of “poverty finance”. While Rankin's work emphasises the production of subjectivities rather than embodied subjects, the two are clearly interlinked. Applying this lens to the TBF agendas brings to light an interesting tension between processes of equalisation and differentiation. That is, the forms of commodification and financial deepening that are promoted by TBF have an equalising effect as more and more women and aspects of production/social reproduction are integrated into the global market and its tendencies towards abstraction. However, on the other hand, they also entail active processes of differentiation. This occurs, for instance, as certain groups of women are ascribed the operative subjectivity of Rankin's “rational economic woman” and “empowered” to engage in various forms of entrepreneurial labour (with all of its attendant embodied effects). However, these same TBF projects, particularly the “womenomics” projects that will be outlined below, mobilise a discourse that erases bodies, as bearers of markers and symbols, from the operation of financial markets. The move towards standardised credit rating and risk assessment models is particularly indicative of the analytical erasure of bodies, as bearers of markers and symbols, from financial decision-making. This move, then, reproduces embodied forms of difference as the andocentrism of these models blinds them to the different conditions under which different groups of people engage in productive/reproductive labour, generally to the detriment of women, to certain racial and ethnic groups, and especially to racialised women.