Perm do both solves---only pairing Bataille’s theory with a state-based discourse prevents fascism.

In contrast to impotent contemporary revolutionary movements, unpredictable events can remove the hurdles preventing fruitful revolutions. Bataille claims that only the “violence of despair” is sufficient to emphasise the real problem of the state. In this moment, the problem of the state appears with monumental force, in the form of the police, which causes any hope to dwindle. Principles ignore that they do not solve social difficulties, but strength does—as learned in the examples of Russia, Germany, and Italy. Bataille ends by claiming, “It is in this sense that it is necessary to say at the present time in the face of three servile societies—that no human future deserving that name can be expected except from a liberating anxiety of the proletarians".Footnote36 One must seek the anxiety stemming from the proletariat to escape the horrible fate of statist oppression and exploitation. Bataille offers a possible route for democratic institutions to avoid annihilation; these institutions can be resurrected through anguish when in the hands of a proletariat party that appreciates the previous three failures. However, this anxiety must be based on a sovereign force, a hatred of statehood itself. As such, a collective powerful enough to reject fascistic energies could exist only through the rejection of a state.

Consequently, Bataille’s anti-statist philosophy presents a major problem for those who identify him with fascism on the left. If we take seriously the criticisms of Benjamin, Souvarine, and especially Wolin, then a question comes to the fore. What sort of fascism has no state? Is this a type of fascism or something completely other? It would have to be the latter, as the only remaining connections Bataille’s thought has with fascism are an association with affective energies and a desire to embrace the proletariat. However, Bataille would use affectivity and embrace the proletariat in different ways than fascist. Furthermore, considering Bataille’s constant desire for a leaderless community, an acephalic community, how do these prescriptions function alongside fascism’s tendency to be organised as a monocephalic hierarchy? Fascism is typically understood as right-wing authoritarian nationalism. It is absurd to characterise Bataille as potentially fascist or fascist-lite when he rejects both centralised power and nation-states in general. Despite looking at multiple aspects of Bataille’s philosophy and its relationship with fascism, the one common complaint is his preference for affective energies informed by Durkheim’s sociology. As stated above, Durkheim was considered proto-fascistic for this reason, specifically through his discussion of Gemeinschaft.Footnote37 This strain of argument forgets just how prevalent the Kriegsideologie was between the World Wars. Yes, there are similarities between Bataille and figures like Spengler and Jünger. Yet, this valorising of war—which for Bataille is but one means to access affectivity—and ties between death and community exist in several other thinkers not associated with fascism: see Max Weber, Georg Simmel, Sigmund Freud’s “Zeitgemässes über Krieg und Tod", Edmund Husserl’s “Fichtes Menschheitsideal", et cetera.Footnote38 These themes existed across the political spectrum at that time; hence, it is outlandish to associate all thinkers at that time with fascism on this basis alone.

Exceeding the political through repressed affectivity need not result in a community of fierce beasts, especially when a “proper” Bataillean embrace of these affectivities must avoid authoritarian calcification. Thus, the vague similarities between Bataille and fascist thought should not lead one to reject his comments on fascism, the potential for vibrant communities, and subversion of the state. Bataille’s explanation for the development of fascism can inform our current situation: the decline in confidence of democratic systems and heads of state and the lower classes become more acclimated to nationalistic movements. Likewise, if we wish for a community that furthers the value of individuals outside of utilitarian concerns, then there is a time and place to push for subversion of the state structure that will resist sliding into totalitarianism.