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Their FW relies on a narrow conception of politics- bottom up democratic control over AI is essential

Zimmerman, PhD, et al. 20

(Annette Zimmermann is Lecturer in Philosophy at the University of York and Technology & Human Rights Fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights, Elena Di Rosa is a PhD student in Philosophy at Princeton University., Hochan "Sonny" Kim is a PhD student in Politics at Princeton University, , 1-9)

This also means that we need, in part, to think critically about government decisions to procure machine learning tools from private corporations—especially because these tools are subsequently used to partially automate decisions that were previously made by democratically authorized, if not directly elected, public officials. But we will also have to ask uncomfortable questions about our own role as a public in authorizing and contesting the use of AI technologies by corporations and the state. Citizens must come to view issues surrounding AI as a collective problem for all of us rather than a technical problem just for them. Our proposal is aligned with an emerging “second wave” of thinking about algorithmic accountability, as legal scholar Frank Pasquale puts it: a perspective which critically questions “whether [certain algorithmic systems] should be used at all—and, if so, who gets to govern them,” rather than asking how such systems might be improved in order to make them more fair. This “second” perspective has immediate implications for how we ought to think about the relationship between democratic power and AI. As Julia Powles and Helen Nissenbaum emphasize, “Any AI system that is integrated into people’s lives must be capable of contest, account, and redress to citizens and representatives of the public interest.” If using algorithmic decision making means making deliberate choices for which we are all on the hook, how exactly should we as a democratic society respond? What is our role, as citizens, in shaping technology for a more just society? One might be tempted to think that the unprecedented novelty of machine learning can be regulated effectively only if we manage to create entirely new democratic procedures and institutions. A range of such measures have been proposed: creating new governmental departments (such as the new Department of Technology proposed by Democratic presidential candidate Andrew Yang), new laws (such as consumer protection laws, enforced by a kind of “FDA for algorithms”), as well as (rather weak) new measures for voluntary individual self-regulation, such as a Hippocratic oath for developers. One problem with these proposals is that they reinforce learned helplessness about algorithmic bias; they suggest that until we implement large-scale, complex institutional and social change, we will be unable to address algorithmic bias in any meaningful way. But there is another way to think about algorithmic accountability. Rather than advocating for entirely new democratic institutions and procedures, why not first try to shift existing democratic agendas? Democratic agenda-setting means enabling citizens to contest and control the concepts that underpin algorithmic decision rules and to deliberate about whether algorithmic decision-making ought to be used in a particular domain in the first place.

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