Countermeasures can’t correct for bias
Zimmerman, PhD, et al. 20
(Annette Zimmermann is Lecturer in Philosophy at the University of York and Technology & Human Rights Fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights, Elena Di Rosa is a PhD student in Philosophy at Princeton University., Hochan "Sonny" Kim is a PhD student in Politics at Princeton University, , 1-9)
Conceding that these issues pose genuine problems for the possibility of a truly neutral algorithm, some might advocate for implementing countermeasures to correct for the bias in the data—a purported equalizer at the algorithmic level. While this may well be an important step in the right direction, it does not amount to a satisfactory solution on its own. Countermeasures might be able to help account for the over- and underrepresentation issues in the data, but they cannot correct for the problem what kind of data has been collected in the first place. Consider, for instance, another controversial application of weak AI: algorithmic risk scoring in the criminal justice process, which has been shown to lead to racially biased outcomes. As a well-known study by ProPublica showed in 2016, one such algorithm classified black defendants as having a “high recidivism risk” at disproportionately higher rates in comparison to white defendants even after controlling for variables such as the type and severity of the crime committed. As ProPublica put it, “prediction fails differently for black defendants”—in other words, algorithmic predictions did a much worse job of accurately predicting recidivism rates for black defendants, compared to white defendants, given the crimes that individual defendants had previously committed; black defendants who were in fact low risk were much more likely to receive a high-risk score than similar white defendants. Often, such algorithmic systems rely on socio-demographic data, such as age, gender, educational background, residential stability, and familial arrest record. Even though the algorithm in this case does not explicitly rely on race as a variable, these other socio-demographic features can function as proxies for race. The result is a digital form of redlining, or, as computer scientists call it, “redundant encoding.” In response to this problem, some states—including New Jersey—recently implemented more minimalist algorithmic risk scoring systems, relying purely on behavioral data, such as arrest records. The goal of such systems is to prevent redundant encoding by reducing the amount of socio-demographic information fed into the algorithm. However, given that communities of color are policed disproportionately heavily, and, in turn, arrested at disproportionately high rates, “purely behavioral” data about arrest history, for example, is still heavily raced (and classed, and gendered). Thus, the redundant encoding problem is not in fact solved. New Jersey’s example, among many others, shows that abstracting away from the social circumstances of defendants does not lead to true impartiality.