Feminists like UBIs
Mellor 18 [Mary Mellor is Emeritus Professor at Northumbria University, where she was founding Chair of the University’s Sustainable Cities Research Institute. She holds a PhD from Newcastle University and has published extensively on alternative economics integrating socialist, feminist, and green perspectives. She is a founding member of the newly formed World Economics Association and is on the editorial board of several journals.; “Care as wellth: Internalising care by democratising money.”; December 2018; Feminist Political Ecology and the Economics of Care: In Search of Economic Alternatives; Chapter 7; Pg. 120-121; Accessed 7-3-23]//LASA-mackerel **edited for language
Ailsa McKay (2005) has made the case that a universal basic income could address the gender inequality around care. Unlike traditional welfare systems it would not separate out women’s work. The benefit of a basic income is that it would break the link between income and work. Paid work would not be the criterion of inclusion; instead, there would be a basic right to livelihood through money distribution. The benefit of a basic income is that it would not just apply to care work but would be available to everyone. It would be universal and unconditional. As Annie Miller (2016) argues, a basic income ‘provides a foundation for a different type of society, which values the individual, helping [them] him or her to meet material needs and offering choices and the opportunity to develop and flourish’ (2016: 174). The choice a basic income would open up is not just payment for care work; it could also reduce dependence on earning money. This might enable (and encourage) men to participate in unpaid provisioning work. Caitlin McLean (2016) sees ethical, economic and political benefits and problems for a basic income. Ethically it could encourage individual freedom but might limit reciprocity and collective endeavour. Economically it could address inequality and provide a means of livelihood, but traditional economic thinking raises questions of economic feasibility and impact on employment incentives. Political implementation would not be easy given the neoliberal attack on the welfare state and challenge to existing welfare benefits. However, there are some contemporary examples. Iran and the state of Alaska in the US have a form of basic income (2016: 182). Hanlon et al. (2010) also report examples of money distribution in South Africa, Brazil, Indonesia and Mexico, although these are not universal as they are targeted to alleviate poverty. Paradoxically, the economic crisis and market failures of neoliberalism have opened up the potential for a basic income, with countries such as Finland and The Netherlands conducting experiments.