Kagan misunderstands the international system

Kagan's fundamental flawed misconception analysis begins about with a fundamental misconception about the international system and the relations of states within it. His worldview perceives two types of countries: those that are con- genitally incapable of dealing with urgent security challenges on their borders or in their respective regions; and a crafty, rapacious few who are forever scheming to intimidate, disrupt or simply devour the hapless and the helpless. Within this dichotomy, however, is a third sort of country, the only one of its kind. The United States enjoys a privileged place in the world order, explains Kagan. Its power is unthreatening because it is relatively distant from others. And, according to Kagan, the costs of this power are easily borne by the wealthiest country in the world. Kagans world order "is as fragile as it is unique," and "preserving [it] requires constant American leadership and constant American commitment." The message today is consistent with that from sixteen years ago when he and William Kristol first made the case for what they called "benevolent global hegemony." In other respects, however, the story that emerges from The World America Made is subtly different. Anticipating a rising tide of pessimism and gloominess within the American electorate, Kagan at times resorts to the tone of a pep talk. Whereas he once highlighted the "present dangers" confronting the United States (in a volume coedited with Kristol, published in 2000), he now says the world today isn't as dangerous as it once was - during the Cold War, for example, or at other periods in American history. Looking ahead, he says, China has its own set of problems, is unlikely to make a bid for regional hegemony and is unlikely to succeed if it tries. Likewise, we shouldn't be overly frightened by Chinas growing economic power, Kagan explains, which will lag well behind that of the United States for years. Other global challenges are more modest still. The object of these relatively optimistic assessments is to convince Americans that they can manage to hold on to their position of global dominance for many years without bankrupting themselves financially or exhausting themselves emotionally. This line of argument cuts against Kagans other claims, however, both in this volume and elsewhere, that the United States should spend even more on its military and that Washington should use this military more often, and in more places, than it has in the recent past.