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Clog produces patent delays.

Ball and Kesan 10 – Gwendolyn G, Research Fellow Business, Economics and Law Group Institute for Genomic Biology and Information Trust Institute University of Illinois. Jay P, Professor and Mildred Van.Voorhis Jones Faculty Scholar College of Law Business, Economics and Law Group Institute of Genomic Biology University of Illinois. “Judges, Courts and Economic Development: the Impact of Judicial Human Capital on the Efficiency and Accuracy of the Court System”, SIOE, https://extranet.sioe.org/uploads/isnie2011/Ball_Courts_paper.pdf, 05-03-2010

While most economic scholarship analyzing the importance of the courts has focused on disputes over real property, the relationship between the court system and investment is no less strong for intellectual property. And to a large extent, the relationship between the courts and the patent system depends on the quality of “judicial human capital.”

In the United States, as in many countries, the courts are a crucial part of the patent system to the extent that the patent system is can be termed a two-stage process. In the first stage, the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office grants property rights to inventors. In the second stage, inventors can protect those rights through patent infringement suits in the courts and alleged infringers have the right to challenge improvidently granted patents and have them declared invalid. As a consequence, some authors have referred to patent rights as being “probabilistic,” depending not only on whether the innovation embodied in the patent has commercial value, but also on the refinement of that patent property right after litigation.15

Just as with real property, the management of the court system has an impact on both patenting behavior and on investment in research and development. While the majority of all patents are not litigated, those that are disputed in the courts are among the most valuable.16 The rules governing the court system may even “feed back” into patenting behavior; some authors have found evidence that the increasingly “patent friendly” rules17 adopted by the courts are a major factor in the surge in patenting since the 1980s.18 Moreover, the ability to define the “probabilistic” property rights is an important element in determining whether patents fulfill their purpose of promoting innovation.19 Finally, the costs associated with the patent systems can be reduced by an efficient court system; firms may hesitate to invest in new products and technologies which may infringe on existing patents, so any additional delay or cost in clarifying existent rights may slow the process of innovation. The more quickly and cheaply these rights are defined, the more beneficial the patent system will be in promoting and not inhibiting innovation and investment.

However, in the United States this second phase in the patent system is managed by a District Court system in which judges with a general legal background preside over cases ranging from drug trials to anti-trust actions. Under such circumstances, patent infringement suites can pose particular challenges. Patent litigation is officially classified by the U.S. Administrative Office of the District Courts as one of several types of “complex litigation” which place special burdens on judges and other court personnel. Not only are technical issues involved, but there are also procedures and rules that are unique to patent law. For example, since the “Markman” ruling of 1995 on “claim construction,” judges in patent cases have been required to examine the claims stated in the patent document, thereby defining the boundaries of the technology.20 This procedure is a potentially lengthy process involving briefs from the plaintiff and defendant, expert opinions and a special claims construction hearing. Such procedures can create difficulties for judges who are not familiar with the intricacies of patent law. And there is evidence suggesting dissatisfaction with the performance of district courts in patent cases at the District level. Approximately 10% of judgments in other areas of the law are appealed, whereas 50% of the judgments in patent cases are appealed.21 As a consequence, intellectual property disputes are included as one of the topical areas warranting a special section in the Federal Judicial Center (FJC)22 Manual for Complex Litigation (2004), along with anti-trust cases, securities cases, employment discrimination, CERCLA (Superfund) and civil RICO. Moreover, in the FJC’s 2003-04 study of the amount of work required for District Court cases, while an “average” case is assigned a weight of 1, patent cases received a weight of 4.72. Only environmental cases (4.79) and death penalty cases (12.89) received higher weights.23 Thus, lack of familiarity with patent law can be a barrier to efficient resolution of patent disputes, and has led to observations like the following24:

Patent litigation stands among the most complex, with disputes about cutting-edge technology muddied with esoteric and arcane language, laws, and customs.

Even with the assistance of legal and technical experts as well as special masters, generalist judges and juries are often at sea almost from the beginning of a patent case. When compared to other adversarial actions, patent cases benefit significantly from having a judge hear the case who is familiar with technical issues.

Most recently, the issue of judicial human capital has been part of a discussion about whether the United States should have a specialized lower-level patent court; several legislative reforms have been proposed in Congress to create opportunities for specialization at the district court level in patent cases.25

While a detailed discussion the arguments for and against specialized courts is beyond the scope of this paper,26 they can large be categorized under four headings: 1) improvements in judicial human capital, 2) uniformity and predictability in the development of legal doctrine, 3) the impact on and influence of the political economy of the judicial system, and 4) the efficiency of the court system. The creation of a specialized appellate court for patent cases27 in 1982 arguably had some success in dealing with the second and fourth criteria; patent law is now applied in a more uniform manner across the circuits and inefficient forum shopping, though still occurring, is not as great as it once was.28 Nonetheless, there is still a belief that a specialized patent trial court is needed, and the primary rationale for this is improvements in judicial human capital. Many scholars and policy makers believe that the average district court judge hears too few patent cases and/or does not have the specialized training to adequately and expeditiously rule on complex issues. Appellate review of claim construction, for example, results in a relatively high reversal rate.29 However, there is little empirical work exploring the relationship between judicial experience-either general or patent specific-and the efficiency and accuracy of the resolution of cases.30

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