Destruction of cultural survival erases indigenous identity, fueling homogenization and a maintenance of historical trauma – only safeguarding tradition allows generations to maintain cultural distinctiveness

Countless groups of indigenous people across the globe have a similar history of violence, loss, and oppression. This historical trauma creates a legacy that resonates across generations and is passed on to current generations. This well-documented phenomenon in recent years has been called historic trauma (Brave Heart, 2004; Cobb, 2006; Day, 2014; Wasserman, 2005; Weaver & Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 1999). It is estimated that during the 1930s–1940s, half of all American Indians in the United States were forced to attend boarding schools (Brave Heart, 2004; Cobb, 2006; Ziibiwing Center of Anishinaabe Culture and Lifeways, 2011). These numbers were perhaps even greater in Canada, New Zealand, and Australia. Results from researchers who have attempted to measure the impact of historic trauma seem to indicate that American Indians have high levels of emotional distress including “anger, avoidance, anxiety, and depression” (Whitbeck, Adams, Hoyt, & Chen, 2004, p. 127). Researchers have only recently begun to fully understand the long-term impact on the children, families, and communities. Those peoples who have experienced genocide through war, torture, and removal experience even deeper and longer-lasting trauma (Brave Heart, 2004; Cobb, 2006). It is hard to hold on to one’s cultural practices in the face of such profound loss. When elders are killed or removed from the community, who is left to teach the traditional ways, and what effects does this loss have on health and well-being (Brave Heart, 2004; Ziibiwing Center of Anishinaabe Culture and Lifeways, 2011)? Recent research has concluded that early childhood trauma can have lasting impacts and may affect developmental growth (Wasserman, 2005). These impacts are seen in the dismal health, mental health, child welfare, and other poor outcomes present in indigenous communities. “Collective trauma unfolds as an omnipresent, community wide phenomenon, while individual trauma unfolds as a personal psychological phenomenon unrelated to a collective common experience” (Red Horse et al., 2000, p. 14). Indigenous groups who have experienced disruption of traditional ways of life—loss of land, disruption of government and family systems through war and trauma—now experience food and water insecurity and have become impoverished as a result. This is directly related to the loss of traditional lifeways. For example, in India, Tiplut Nongbri writes, “it is significant that tribal poverty is highest in states where the people have lost control over land” (International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs, n.d. Retrieved from http://www.iwgia.org/). One writer links this economic instability to the loss of “access to forests and non-timber produce, and to recent decisions taken by the Indian Supreme Court empowering the government to bring all forests under working plans and evict encroachers” (International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs, n.d. Retrieved from http://www.iwgia.org/). Across the world, loss of indigenous land leads to disastrous changes to ways of life for the people who are misplaced. This includes loss of agriculture, traditional food sources on land and in the water, and forest resources. Cultural survival means being able to sustain the beliefs and worldview of one’s ancestors in order to pass them on to those that come after us. Across the world, colonizing government policies and practices were designed to alter and destroy indigenous culture and ways. In spite of all of these efforts, many indigenous peoples throughout the world have managed to retain their values and practices (Day, 2014; Rheault, 1999; Simard & Blight, 2011). These worldviews are deeply embedded in language and culture. Two Canadian indigenous researchers describe their unique worldview: It is important to understand that through an Aboriginal lens, all things are related on a spiritual level. A primary difference between Aboriginal worldview—Aki naanaagadawaabiwi and Non-Aboriginal theories of development is that everything in Aboriginal worldview—Aki naanaagadawaabiwi is based on the spirit whereas the concept of spirituality or the spirit is often overlooked in Non-Aboriginal theories of development. As stated earlier, cultural identity is deeply tied to how people sees themselves as part of the larger group with whom they share common cultural distinctiveness. This way of viewing oneself and the world around you is shaped by everyday cultural experiences and is reinforced throughout one’s life. This learning is developmental in nature, with children learning from families, their environment, and their cultural group. This sense of one’s cultural self comes from learning the social cultural norms that exist within one’s specific group (Day, 2014; Rheault, 1999; Simard & Blight, 2011). These constructs embrace cultural values, tribal language, traditional teachings passed down through centuries, ceremonies, connection to a land base, shared history, and accumulated wisdom (Cobb, 2006; Rheault, 1999; Weaver, 2001). For many indigenous cultures, worldview is relational as opposed to linear, in other words, cultural meaning is framed by experiences with family and cultural community, the surrounding ecosystem, and spiritual experiences. If one views the world through a relational manner, events are shaped by other events and relationships that are not necessarily linear. Most Native people raised within a cultural setting view the world through a relational lens (Day, 2014; Cross, 2010; Rheault, 1999). If one sees the world in a linear fashion, things seems to fall into line in a one-dimensional, logical progression. Those who see the world as linear also have a tendency to believe that individual effort can shape your course. A relational worldview takes into account unseen forces and is more accepting of “fate.” This is an important concept for social workers to understand when working with indigenous people. Cross (2010) says that for indigenous people “balance and harmony in relationships between multiple variables, including spiritual forces, make up the core of the thought system. Every event is understood in relation to all other events regardless of time, space, or physical existence. Health exists only when things are in balance and harmony” (p. 2). Children raised using a relational worldview have different experiences and perspectives on health, well-being, family, and spiritual connections. Most indigenous peoples understand the connection between health and well-being and maintaining balance within the mental, emotional, spiritual, and physical aspects of one’s life. This is important within the individual self, one’s family and extended family, and within one’s tribal community (Day, 2014; Simard & Blight, 2011). This embedded identity is how cultures maintain and thrive. Living life within one’s culture requires that children have meaningful interaction with extended family, community, and culture. “In tribal practice, family (and cultural) preservation involves bringing families in balance with community, spiritual, and other natural relationships” (Red Horse et al., 2000, p. 22). Having a cultural “home base” upon which to rely helps individuals and groups to be resilient. This cultural touchstone helps to ensure cultural survival in times of duress. Developing this cultural touchstone starts before birth, often with ceremonies and teachings about pregnancy: how to eat, how to prepare for birth, and instructions about childrearing (Lowell, Kildea, Liddle, Cox, & Paterson, 2015; Rheault, 1999). This cultural base grows throughout ones life span and is transmitted intergenerationally. For culture to survive, this must be done not only in the context of family but also in the context of a larger indigenous group. One such culture in the United States and Canada are the Anishinaabe people, who reside in southern Canada and the northern Midwest of the United States. Like many indigenous people, they have teachings about their core values called “grandfather teachings.” These are used to teach children about important ways of being in relationship with one another and the world. It takes a long time to fully understand these teachings as they are embedded in the language and culture of the Anishinaabe. But even providing a short description of them provides a glimpse into the central beliefs of the people. These teachings are (Day, 2014): wisdom— to value knowledge and learning throughout your life and from many sources love—to embrace peace and have unconditional regard for others respect—to treat others in a caring manner bravery—to act with integrity even in the face of fear honesty—to keep one’s word and behave in an honorable way humility—to know your place in the larger picture and not put yourself above the Great Spirit, animals, plants, or other life truth—to be honest with yourself and others These Anishinaabe values provide an underpinning for tribal members in shaping policy and practice. The teachers of these values are most often the elders who have learned these lessons many times over and can provide important context. As one Anishinaabe researcher stated: Without these teachers, how else can a person know how to be good? They are oral reference libraries that account for stories, legends, prophecies, ceremonies, songs, dances, language and the philosophy of the people. Elders are often held in the highest esteem in indigenous communities for the lifetime of wisdom they have acquired. Learning about ones cultural ways takes a lifetime and requires a strong community with knowledgeable elders to help the children learn their traditional ways and beliefs. This is the essence of cultural survival.