K Aff Supplement - Michigan 7 2024 CFMP

K Aff Updates
AT -Poetry bad
A project of opacity
BRITTON 99 (Celia Britton - British scholar of French Caribbean literature and thought.[1] She was Carnegie Professor of French at the University of Aberdeen and Professor of French at University College., 1999, "Edouard Glissant and Postcolonial Theory: Strategies of Language and Resistance (New World Studies)," epdf.pub, https://epdf.pub/edouard-glissant-and-postcolonial-theory-strategies-of-language-and-resistance-n.html//:0
As a strategy of protection, opacity sometimes takes the form of simple concealment: hiding from the oppressive Other. Thus, one image for it is the forest into which the slaves escaped and where the maroon communities lived, and which was "the first obstacle the slave opposed to the transparency of the planter" (CD, 83). But the forest is disappearing, and its loss is symbolically as well as literally destructive. In Malemort Glissant writes of "the vast leprosy of erosion of deforestation eating away at the great mountain wringing your heart with all the present woes and all the woes that are still to come" (179). The forest provided invisibility, in other words, but is no longer an adequate metaphor for opacity; the concept of opacity in general is part of a far more complex structure of seen and unseen, seeing and not seeing, that determines the relations between "discoverer" and "discovered." In the first place, the colonizer's power obviously depends to a large extent on surveillance. He cannot control what he cannot see.26 In Le quatrième siècle, the newly arrived slave "learned right from the first day that the master only really existed when he was looking at you; despite the permanent fear and the leaden hand that seemed to keep you forever down in the mud; that the master lost some of his power when he had turned his back on you, as though he could command only by imposing the flux of his gaze, which dried up as soon as he turned away from you" (79). But, as the immediate, face-to-face nature of this encounter implies, the master's power depends also on the slave seeing that the master sees him; that is, the colonizers exercise their domination not only by seeing but by being seen, and by being seen to be powerful. And, since the masters were heavily outnumbered by the slaves, it was the individual figure of the master that had to inspire fear and obedience. As Fanon puts it, the master had to be an exhibitionist: "The settler pits brute force against the weight of numbers. He is an exhibitionist. His preoccupation with security makes him remind the native [colonisé] out loud that there he alone is master." The extraordinary ostentation and visual extravagance of colonial life (in clothes, architecture, etc.) in the period of slavery was a strategy of intimidation; as Roger Toumson writes, "The system of terror calls for a system of sumptuous extravagance." 27 But the relationship between colonial master and slave is not limited to a purely rational exercise of power. It is widely recognized (since Joseph Conrad's The Heart of Darkness, if not before) to include also a dimension of unconscious desire and fear. Similarly, in "Poetics and the Unconscious" Glissant makes it clear that opacity is not simply a practical, rational strategy on the part of the colonized, but a constituent of their collective unconscious (CD, 159). It is thus not surprising that the interchangeability of the two forms of power that is, surveillance and intimidation, seeing and being seen and the ease with which one crosses over into the other are also reminiscent of the reversibility of the psychic drives analyzed by Sigmund Freud. Indeed, one of Freud's main examples is the relation between voyeurism and exhibitionism, the two closely connected variants of the scopic drive. Sight and visibility, in the colonial relationship, relate to a domination that goes beyond conscious, rational concerns of imposing or eluding control and includes a strong element of unconscious fantasy. Power and pleasure merge together, in the way outlined by Bhabha in his analysis of "the peculiar visibility of the nature of colonial power," to result in a form of exhibitionism that exceeds the narrowly practical aim of imposing control. Significantly, it is this exhibitionism, rather than the colonizer's powers of surveillance, as common sense might dictate, that is given in "Poetics and the Unconscious'' as the reason for the colonized subject's desire for opacity. This desire is provoked not by the gaze of the master but by the exaggerated "transparent" visibility of his presence not the master as all-seeing, but the master as seen: "The only source of light ultimately was that of the transcendental presence of the Other, of his Visibility colonizer or ad- ministrator of his transparency fatally proposed as a model, because of which we have acquired a taste for obscurity, and for me the need to seek out [opacity]" (CD, 161). 28 The oppression inherent in the master's gaze is repeated in that of historically later types of "discoverer," such as the ethnologists for whom the colonized peoples are merely visible objects of knowledge. But it is significant that, in his discussion of this relationship in L'intention poétique, Glissant states that the colonial subject's desire is not to escape the master's gaze, but to participate in the scopic exchange on equal terms. He writes, "We hate ethnography. . . . The distrust that we feel toward it is not caused by our displeasure at being looked at, but rather by our obscure resentment at not having our turn at seeing" (128, emphasis added). The problem is, in other words, the inequality and lack of reciprocity of the relation, in which those who are seen cannot themselves "see" those who see them. Pursuing the psychoanalytic dimension of the colonial relationship that is, its imbrication, alongside political and economic motivations, in unconscious fantasy and desire reveals a further sense in which opacity resists the domination of the discoverers. This depends upon Bhabha's analysis already suggested in the work of Fritz Gracchus of the racist stereotype as fetish. Bhabha argues that the stereotype is the result of a complex unconscious dynamic, which derives from the ambivalence at the root of all colonial power: both civilizing mission and violent subjugation. Thus, the stereotype is "the primary point of subjectification in colonial discourse, for both the colonizer and the colonized." He notes the irrational, compulsive, and ever-renewable quality of racial stereotypes and sees them as the product of the same mechanism of disavowal that Freud defined in relation to the sexual fetish. That is, just as the fetish is a defense against the anxiety aroused by the man's knowledge of sexual difference, the racial stereotype represents an attempt to disavow racial difference insofar as this poses a threat to the white person's own sense of identity.
AT- Ericson
Definitions label AAVE as improper and bankrupt of any cultural value
Jennifer Randall 21, [University of Massachusetts Amherst “Color-Neutral” Is Not a Thing: Redefining Construct Definition and Representation through a Justice-Oriented Critical Antiracist Lens Winter 2021, Vol. 40, No. 4, pp. 82–90 https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Jennifer-Randall-7/publication/351452063_Color Neutral_Is_Not_a_Thing_Redefining_Construct_Definition_and_Representation_through _a_Justice-Oriented_Critical_Antiracist_Lens/links/622e31383c53d31ba4c16d03/Color-Neutral-Is-Not-a-Thing-Redefining-Construct-Definition-and-Representation-through-a-Justice-Oriented-Critical-Antiracist-Lens.pdf]//:0
Culturally sustaining and antiracist assessment demands that we both affirm and empower the lifeways of BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, People of Color) students. To do so requires that cultural words and expressions be included in our assessments. Moreover, I argue that what is considered “cultural” expressions/words are simply words that are not a part of White Mainstream English (WME). Indeed, WME is considered standard, normal English, so, in this context, those words would be appropriate to include in an assessment. Words, however, that are commonplace in African American Vernacular English (AAVE), for example, would be considered “culture-specific” and removed from the assessment as construct irrelevant. Again, this White supremacist approach devalues and dehumanizes BIPOC students. In focusing on removing construct irrelevant variance, we remove all context. This practice, in large part, is designed to remove “race” from the items. Such an approach to assessment requires students to identify the music of Beethoven and Mozart, interpret the poetry of Emily Dickerson and Sylvia Plath, and analyze the writings of Shakespeare and Tennessee Williams, but ignores Culturally sustaining assessment (as if it does not exist) the language of Hip Hop—the most popular musical genre in the world comprising nearly 24.7% of all U.S. music album consumption in 2018 (Leight, 2019)—in instructional spaces and on assessments. Assessment companies do not commission Hip Hop lyricists to provide texts for reading comprehension or listening comprehension tasks. Yet this language is widely used and understood by American students and employs one of the most sophisticated vocabularies of any musical genre (Kendi, 2019). Nonetheless, despite having won the Pulitzer prize for music in 2018, Kendrick Lamar’s lyrics would be considered culture-specific and inappropriate for inclusion on assessments due to construct irrelevance.
AT- PICS BAD
The PIC functions as a form of policing used to make black performances more plateable for white spectatorship – fails to acknowledge the labor put into black performance producing grounds for black death
EVANS ’20
[IGNACIO V. ,“STRICTLY FOR NIGGAS: NIGGAS MOVIN’ AROUND TO PEEP THE FOOT WERQ OF BLACK VOICE AND HUMANISM, published by Wake Forest University in May, 2020, https://wakespace.lib.wfu.edu/bitstream/handle/10339/96871/Evans_wfu_0248M_11538.pdf]
Niggas been givin’ the world this werq. The werq of this thesis is just one drop in an ocean of countless ‘nigga tries.’ I am not alone in my criticism that I offer that gives this werq to the field of rhetoric for how it positions and assumes it’s the civil for niggas. I take the patterns of movements of rhetorical scholars and civil institutions to task because they liquate niggas in order to recognize Black rhetoric as a thing that informs future moments of antiblackness. I therefore, argue throughout this thesis that the Black death that happens to Black flesh is the result of antiblack patterns of movements and the worlds those patterns create. I have defended that antiblackness is what forecloses the possibility of niggas communicating, which exists in the ways that niggas move, reason, and make the space that makes the difference in just how proximate the touch of antiblackness is. Hence, I discuss the communicative sites of academia, interracial race relations of politics, intra-racial race relations of gender, and Nigga care and love. I lay out some humanist starter kits for my niggas to peep the foot work of liquidation and offer some suggestions on how to move around despite it. For what is at stake in the “communicative force” (Spillers, 1987, p. 69) of all niggas, whether niggas are amongst the civilized or whether they are amongst the most antiblack ass niggas, is that Black flesh can have only voice in certain places and times. ‘Nigga voices’ are without the possibility of speech or communication because just like niggas, the voice is always already captured and returned to antiblackness. ReidBrinkley reminds us that, “[v]oice is not a noun, nor a possession; instead it operates as a verb, as a process, created in and through “relational” negotiations within rhetorical moments” (Reid-Brinkley, Voice Dipped in Black: The Louisville Project and the Birth of Black Radical Argument in College Policy Debate, 2019, p. 218). This is an important rendering of voice, because while voice is often assumed as the same as communication, Black flesh can never be recognized in front of the human ‘as is’ and will instead always appear as made. It is in the communicative site of “Niggatry” that I discussed liquidation in the context of humanist rhetoric and Reason, and then again in the context of cis niggas to non cis niggas in the gender communicative site. This thesis is a journey whose footwork peeps the transforming/terraforming process of making niggas and they things fungible, while exploring Reasoning within and beyond civilizing humans. Within the criticism of liquidation, I launch specific shots at the field of rhetoric for its liquidation of Black scholarship and scholars in the training of the Black voice of Black scholars when I make clear that the terms and conditions afforded to niggas no matter how hard they work is closed legs don’t get fed and Robbing Peter to pay Paul for the publish or perish system niggas produce in. ‘To be recognized by civilized audiences’ range of acceptable possibilities’ for niggas is the ‘right type of black.’ Rhetoric for Black (rather than nigga) scholars is about how best to create Black agents and nigga superheroes for the human. That is to say, rhetoric for Black scholars is a premium training grounds for Black people and perpetratin’ ass niggas to field the D.E.A. job call that reads, “The U.S. Department of Justice is looking for fluent Ebonics speakers to fill nine drug enforcement jobs, and to assist with wiretaps and linguistic profiling.” For Black rhetoric scholars are placed as the lead investigators of Blackness because “there's the perception in many minds that you don't need a translator, people believe they've understood something when they haven't.” (Netter, 2010) If ‘comm that is so white was to learn anything from reading this werq is that I’ll just like other relative niggas will put in that werq for niggas nowhere and everywhere This thesis is also implicated given that my work in many ways functions as a catalog of ‘nigga translations.’ Nonetheless, I write with an orientation of Niggatry (meaning, I move like I know what time it is) in order to forward that peeping foot werq of care that subtends my “aint shittiness” to alter my investigation from ‘business as usual’ to ‘for niggas and niggas only.’ This werq must continue to move amongst niggas until, and thus this werq’s limits are given by the times and places of niggas that I could think of or with. There is limit to my werq here, given that the horizon of niggas is already always moves beyond, but my werk is also limited to niggas somewhere. That is to say, there are known knowns, known unknowns, and unknown unknowns. Here I consider that niggas are amongst each realm and that niggas can use niggatry to move around in those realms by studying the patterns of movements of niggas and power.
AT - Debate is a game
Not this one
Tiffany Yvonne Dillard-Knox 14["Against the grain : the challenges of black discourse within intercollegiate policy debate." (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2161. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2161]//:0
Currently Debate can be described as a high-speed, oral game of chess. It has become a game of information processing. Debaters now speak up to 400 words per minute and use highly specialized jargon as a way of communicating arguments and ideas. Under this model, persuasiveness is not only determined by one‘s oratory and research skills but also by one‘s ability to master the techniques of debate. Debate, to many, has become ―just a game.‖ However, the role of debating for Blacks has always served dual functions. Blacks have participated in Debate recognizing the competitive, gaming aspects but debating has also served a social agenda for Blacks. Debate has often been used as a platform for disproving myths of intellectual inferiority. For some Black students, it has also been a way to escape the problems associated with living in the inner city. Students receive debating scholarships to college, the opportunity to travel nationally, a food stipend and many other benefits that they may have ordinarily not been able to access. To many Black debaters, Debate has been more than just a game—in a lot of cases, it has been a means for survival.
AT - Education
Testing epistemology is key.
Stein 19, [Sharon Stein (), “Beyond Higher Education as We Know it: Gesturing Towards Decolonial Horizons of Possibility,” Studies in Philosophy and Education, https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11217-018-9622-7, 2019]
Within a sedimented field-imaginary, knowledge is produced through a set of taken for granted epistemological norms and conceptual-ideological assemblages. In other words, the general terms of what it is possible to say, do, and think, are set, yet our awareness of the terms themselves (and their impact on the knowledge that we produce) is dulled as the contextual conditions of its emergence disappear from view. As a result, we do not often think to ask whether the questions that orient our field-imaginary are still the questions that need asking, and whether the terms of our scholarly conversations are adequate to the task of responding to contemporary ethical–political challenges. Scott (2004) thus asks “whether the moment of normalization of a paradigm is not also the moment when it is necessary to reconstruct and reinterrogate the ground of questions themselves through which it was brought into being in the first place” (p. 8).
AT - MEME ARGS
This feels like a joke but there no longer laughing with me…
Omotayo Banjo 11 [Ph.D. Department of Communication, University of Cincinnati What are You Laughing at? 25 May 2011 Examining White Identity and Enjoyment of Black Entertainment https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2011.570822]//:0
Previous studies suggest significant differences in Whites’ enjoyment of ethnic entertainment with the most pronounced effects among those who identify highly with authoritarian values (Altemeyer, 1988; Middleton, 1959; Oliver, 1996). Hobbes’ (1968) superiority theory argues that enjoyment of humor messages is derived from a falsely constructed sense of superiority to the disparaged. In other words, the perceiver not only fails to identify with the disparaged, but also receives gratification from seeing an inferior group belittled because it makes them feel more positive about themselves. Therefore, enjoyment of Black stereotyping is considered to be influenced by Whites’ sense of superiority and disconnect from Black culture. In addition, entertainment theories posit that responses to media fare are predetermined by audiences’ predispositions to a media character. For instance, Ford, Wentzel, and Lorion (2001) found that men exposed to sexist humor perceived sexism as normative and acceptable. These effects were most pronounced among men who already subscribed to beliefs about gender inequality. Similarly, Vidmar and Rokeach’s (1974) study on All in the Family revealed a relationship between predisposition and humor interpretation such that high-prejudiced individuals viewed comical racial slurs in the show as more acceptable than those low in prejudice. Disposition theory specifically explains that negative attitudes toward a media character most often predict higher enjoyment outcomes (Zillmann & Cantor, 1976). Cantor (1976) argued that mirth reactions are a combination effect of attitudinal predispositions as well as group membership. Therefore, racial attitudes play a significant role in humor interpretation. Moreover, Whites’ racial identity development helps to clarify the formation of Whites’ racial attitudes. Thus, the literature reviewed suggests that there is a gap in the understanding of the mechanisms involved in the way viewers of ethnic humor come to enjoy particular portrayals; the experimental study described below is designed to elucidate the role of two 

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