Multipolarity good – avoids the pitfalls of overextension and unilateralism associated with hegemonic approaches.
Emma Ashford and Evan Cooper, 23 – Emma Ashford, a columnist at Foreign Policy and a senior fellow with the Reimagining U.S. Grand Strategy program at the Stimson Center, and Evan Cooper, a research associate in the Reimagining U.S Grand Strategy Program at the Stimson Center. (Emma Ashford, Evan Cooper, “Yes, the World Is Multipolar,” Foreign Policy, 10-5-2023, Available Online: https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/10/05/usa-china-multipolar-bipolar-unipolar/, Accessed: 7-3-2024)//ilake-mc
Continuing to double down on the United States as the “indispensable nation” is likely to lead only to failure and overstretch. Indeed, academic research shows that those countries that respond to international shifts in the balance of power with appropriate levels of retrenchment and realignment typically do far better than those that refuse to adjust and end up exhausting themselves through overreach.
The United States should not retreat from the world stage but rather use the multipolar world to its advantage. Such a strategy would involve three core elements:
First, the United States should leverage, rather than suppress, the power of its allies. Instead of attempting to maintain the mind-bogglingly expensive military footprint of past decades, the Biden administration should stress burden-shifting, encouraging allies to take on a greater role in their own defense, thereby turning their economic power into military power that bolsters U.S. aims. Consider Eastern European countries increasing their military spending in the aftermath of the war in Ukraine: Managed properly, this transition could shift the distribution of power within Europe and leave the continent with a more sustainable defense—but at less cost and risk to Americans.
Second, in a multipolar world, flexibility and openness are highly valuable. The Biden administration should be more open to entering into mutually beneficial trade agreements. The failures of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership were not for lack of interest from the other participants but rather the U.S. drift toward trade protectionism. Rather than a race to the bottom in protectionism, what is needed now is a race to the top against China in trade.
Lastly, grand coalitions are far less likely to be effective in a multipolar world; the Biden administration should focus instead on bilateral and minilateral agreements centered on shared interests. The administration has already had some successes in this space, from the G-7 global minimum corporate tax agreement to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’s infrastructure agreement.
Multipolarity does not render the United States powerless. In fact, it could be a boon to U.S. policymakers. By focusing on leveraging multipolarity to its advantage, the Biden administration can advance U.S. security and sustain America’s global role. Multipolarity should not be feared; it should be embraced.